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Originalism and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in U.S. Law
Table of Contents
The Intellectual Foundations and Evolution of Originalism
Originalism as a coherent judicial philosophy gained prominence in the late twentieth century as a response to what its proponents viewed as judicial activism. The doctrine holds that constitutional text should be interpreted according to the public meaning it had when it was ratified. Justice Antonin Scalia, a leading voice for this approach, argued that originalism constrains judges from imposing personal policy preferences and preserves democratic legitimacy by adhering to the framework established by the people through the ratification process.
The originalist method stands in contrast to the "living constitution" approach, which contends that constitutional meaning evolves with societal change. Originalists maintain that amendments — not judicial reinterpretation — are the proper vehicle for adapting the Constitution to new circumstances. This philosophical divide becomes especially consequential when courts confront areas of law where the Constitution is silent or where the original understanding reflects values that conflict with modern conceptions of justice.
Indigenous rights represent one of the most challenging domains for originalist theory. The Constitution mentions Native Americans only in limited contexts: the Commerce Clause grants Congress power to regulate commerce "with the Indian Tribes," and the Fourteenth Amendment's apportionment clause excludes "Indians not taxed." These sparse references leave enormous interpretive questions about sovereignty, treaty rights, land tenure, and the scope of federal power over Indigenous nations.
The Constitutional Architecture of Indigenous Sovereignty
Long before the Constitution was drafted, European colonizers recognized Indigenous polities as sovereign nations capable of entering into treaties. This recognition continued under British rule and was inherited by the United States after independence. The Constitution's Treaty Clause, which authorizes the President to make treaties with the advice and consent of the Senate, implicitly acknowledges that Indian tribes hold the status of foreign nations for treaty-making purposes.
The Supreme Court's early jurisprudence established what modern scholars call the "Marshall Trilogy" — three foundational cases decided by Chief Justice John Marshall between 1823 and 1832 that continue to shape federal Indian law. In Johnson v. McIntosh, Marshall articulated the "discovery doctrine," holding that European discovery extinguished Indigenous land ownership and replaced it with a right of occupancy subject to federal control. Cherokee Nation v. Georgia described tribes as "domestic dependent nations" whose relationship to the United States "resembles that of a ward to his guardian." Worcester v. Georgia affirmed that state laws had no force within tribal territories, recognizing tribal sovereignty as inherent and preexisting.
These decisions established a framework that remains deeply influential but also deeply contested. Originalist analysis of the Marshall Trilogy reveals that Marshall himself drew on European colonial doctrines rather than strictly constitutional text — a fact that complicates any purely originalist account of federal Indian law. The discovery doctrine, in particular, has been widely criticized as a racist fiction that served to rationalize dispossession.
Originalism in Practice — Key Supreme Court Precedents
The Treaty Rights Doctrine
The United States entered into hundreds of treaties with Indigenous nations between 1778 and 1871, when Congress ended treaty-making. These treaties reserved hunting, fishing, gathering, and occupancy rights that tribal nations continue to assert today. Originalist interpretation of treaty language has produced sharply divergent outcomes depending on the court and the historical record at issue.
In United States v. Winans, the Supreme Court established the rule that treaties must be construed as the Indigenous signatories would have understood them — a canon of construction that arguably aligns with originalist principles by privileging the understanding of both parties at the time of agreement. This canon has been central to numerous tribal victories, including cases affirming off-reservation fishing rights in the Pacific Northwest and Great Lakes regions.
Critics of originalism point out, however, that courts selectively apply originalist methods to Indigenous rights cases. When the historical record is ambiguous or when treaty promises conflict with subsequent federal policy, courts often defer to later congressional action rather than the original understanding. The Supreme Court's decision in United States v. Jicarilla Apache Nation illustrates this tension: the Court held that the federal government does not owe common-law fiduciary duties to tribes despite the trust relationship established through centuries of treaty and statutory law, citing the "original understanding" of the trust relationship in narrow terms.
Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock and the Plenary Power Doctrine
Perhaps no case demonstrates the tension between originalism and Indigenous rights more starkly than Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock. There, the Supreme Court held that Congress possesses "plenary power" over Indian affairs — a power so broad that it could unilaterally abrogate treaties without tribal consent and without compensation. The case involved the Medicine Lodge Treaty of 1867, which guaranteed that no further land cessions would be made without the approval of three-fourths of adult tribal members. Congress nonetheless passed legislation allotting tribal lands and opening the surplus to non-Indian settlement.
Originalist analysis of Lone Wolf is revealing. Nothing in the constitutional text grants Congress unlimited authority over tribal property. The Treaty Clause explicitly requires consent for modifications to treaty obligations. Yet the Court constructed a doctrine of plenary power that effectively nullified the treaty rights the Constitution had recognized. This outcome, many scholars argue, demonstrates that originalism is no guarantee of protective outcomes for Indigenous peoples — it can just as easily reinforce colonial power structures embedded in the original constitutional framework.
McGirt v. Oklahoma and the Original Meaning of Treaties
The 2020 decision in McGirt v. Oklahoma represents a landmark application of originalist reasoning in the Indigenous rights context. The case asked whether the Muscogee (Creek) Nation's reservation had been disestablished by subsequent federal legislation. Justice Gorsuch's majority opinion applied a strict originalist methodology, examining the text of the treaty that established the reservation and the statutes that arguably diminished it. Finding no clear congressional language of disestablishment, the Court held that the reservation remained intact for purposes of criminal jurisdiction under the Major Crimes Act.
McGirt illustrates that originalism can produce outcomes that protect Indigenous sovereignty when the historical record is clear and when courts rigorously apply textual canons of construction. The decision reaffirmed that treaty promises must be honored according to their original meaning — a principle that resonates strongly with originalist commitments. Justice Gorsuch's opinion emphasized that "the federal government promised the Creek Nation a reservation in perpetuity" and that "neither the text nor the context of the relevant statutes demonstrates Congress clearly intended to break that promise."
Yet McGirt has also generated significant criticism from originalist scholars who question whether the decision's outcome is consistent with the original understanding of federal power over Indian affairs. Some argue that the plenary power doctrine recognized in Lone Wolf should have controlled the outcome, permitting a finding of implied disestablishment. The case thus illustrates that originalism, like any interpretive method, does not mechanically produce determinate answers — it requires judges to make choices about which original sources to privilege and how to reconcile competing historical threads.
Originalism's Limitations in the Indigenous Rights Context
The application of originalism to Indigenous rights cases raises several fundamental problems. First, the original constitutional framework treated Indigenous peoples as external to the constitutional order — excluded from citizenship, not counted for representation purposes, and subject to federal authority that was largely unconstrained by individual rights guarantees. An interpretive method that privileges that original framework risks entrenching the very exclusions and subordinations that the Constitution codified.
Second, originalism encounters difficulty when the historical record reveals multiple, competing original meanings. The Constitution's framers held diverse views about Indigenous sovereignty, treaty obligations, and the limits of federal power. The ratification debates contain no clear consensus on these questions. Originalists must therefore choose among historical sources in ways that inevitably reflect interpretive commitments that go beyond the original meaning itself.
Third, originalism's emphasis on fixed textual meaning sits uneasily with the dynamic nature of the federal-tribal relationship. The trust responsibility, for example, has evolved through centuries of treaty-making, statutory law, and judicial decisions into a body of fiduciary obligations that no single historical moment fully captures. An originalist approach that freezes this relationship at a particular point in time may fail to account for the ongoing development of legal norms that are essential to tribal sovereignty.
The Indian Commerce Clause provides a useful illustration. Some originalist scholars argue that the clause grants Congress only limited authority over trade with tribes — authority that would not encompass the broad regulatory and trust responsibilities the federal government now exercises. Others contend that the clause, read in light of historical practice and the treaty power, supports expansive federal authority. The disagreement reflects deeper uncertainties about how originalist methodology should apply when the historical evidence supports multiple reasonable interpretations.
For a comprehensive analysis of these jurisprudential debates, the Office of Tribal Justice provides resources on the Department of Justice's approach to federal Indian law. The Native American Rights Fund also maintains extensive case law analysis and amicus briefs addressing originalist interpretation in tribal advocacy.
Competing Interpretive Frameworks
Several alternative interpretive methods have been proposed to address the limitations of originalism in the Indigenous rights context. The "living constitution" approach, which emphasizes evolving societal values and changing circumstances, has been employed by some courts to recognize tribal sovereignty in areas where the original constitutional framework provided no explicit protection. Advocates of this approach argue that constitutional interpretation should account for the fundamental injustice of the original constitutional order's treatment of Indigenous peoples.
The "common law constitutionalism" framework treats certain foundational principles — including respect for treaty commitments and recognition of inherent tribal sovereignty — as constitutional norms that develop through judicial precedent rather than fixed textual meaning. This approach has been influential in cases involving the trust relationship and the scope of tribal jurisdiction.
The "critical originalism" movement seeks to recover alternative original meanings that were suppressed or marginalized in the dominant constitutional narrative. Some scholars have argued that the Constitution's original meaning, properly understood, recognized robust tribal sovereignty and imposed enforceable obligations on the federal government to protect tribal lands and self-government. This revisionist account challenges the assumption that originalism necessarily leads to outcomes that disadvantage Indigenous peoples.
For an in-depth scholarly treatment of these interpretive debates, the University of Chicago Coase-Sandor Institute for Law and Economics has published working papers examining originalism and federal Indian law. Additionally, the Federal Register Bureau of Indian Affairs provides the regulatory context for understanding how interpretive frameworks affect policy implementation.
Contemporary Implications and Policy Debates
The originalism debate has direct consequences for contemporary Indigenous rights litigation and federal policy. The Supreme Court's current composition includes several justices who have expressed commitment to originalist methodology, including Justices Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, Barrett, and Thomas. The Court's evolving approach to federal Indian law will determine outcomes in pending cases involving tribal jurisdiction, child welfare under the Indian Child Welfare Act, hunting and fishing rights, and the scope of tribal sovereign immunity from suit.
The Brackeen v. Haaland litigation, which challenged the constitutionality of ICWA, exemplified the stakes of originalist interpretation. The plaintiffs argued that ICWA exceeded Congress's authority under the Indian Commerce Clause and violated equal protection principles — arguments grounded in a narrow reading of original constitutional meaning. The Supreme Court upheld ICWA in a 7-2 decision that drew on both originalist and structural reasoning, but the case revealed deep divisions among justices about how originalist methods should apply to federal Indian law.
The future of originalism in Indigenous rights cases will likely depend on how courts resolve the tension between original constitutional meaning and the body of precedent that has developed over two centuries. Some scholars argue that the Supreme Court should adopt a "canon of treaty construction" that requires clear congressional intent to abrogate treaty rights — a principle that aligns with originalist commitments to textual clarity and respect for the original understanding of both parties to treaties. Others contend that originalism requires courts to recognize that the Constitution's original meaning has been fundamentally transformed by the post-Civil War amendments and subsequent developments in federal Indian law.
Conclusion
Originalism remains a significant but deeply contested framework for interpreting the constitutional rights of Indigenous peoples. Its application to federal Indian law reveals both the method's strengths — textual discipline, historical rigor, respect for fixed meaning — and its limitations, particularly when the original constitutional order codified exclusion and subordination. The cases examined here demonstrate that originalism does not produce predetermined outcomes in Indigenous rights disputes. It can support tribal sovereignty when treaties are honored according to their original meaning, but it can also reinforce colonial power structures when the original constitutional framework is read to authorize plenary federal control.
The ongoing debate about originalism and Indigenous rights ultimately reflects broader questions about how the American legal system should reckon with the foundational injustices that shaped the constitutional order. Whether originalism can serve as a vehicle for recognizing and protecting Indigenous sovereignty — or whether it will continue to function as a constraint on such recognition — depends on the interpretive choices that courts make in the years ahead. What is clear is that the intersection of originalism and Indigenous rights will remain a central battleground in constitutional law, with profound implications for tribal nations, federal Indian policy, and the meaning of justice in the American legal tradition.